Anti-war organizations around the world

Society of Peace

International

Africa

Asia

Europe

France

United Kingdom

  • Liverpool and Birkenhead Women’s Peace and Arbitration Association[5]
  • Rationalist Peace Society – Britain[5][2]
  • Workman’s Peace Association – Britain[7]

North America

United States

Canada

Oceania

Religious

Christian

Buddhist

Muslims

  • Association for Muslims of United States [11] [5]

Researching military spending

http://www.jobs-not-wars.org/

http://www.jobs-not-wars.org/reuters-investigation-sheds-light-on-the-pentagons-epic-waste/

http://www.jobs-not-wars.org/options-for-reducing-the-deficit-2014-to-2023/

49638-BudgetOptions

https://www.usaspending.gov/

https://www.nationalpriorities.org

http://www.cga.ct.gov/2013/ACT/PA/2013PA-00019-R00SB-00619-PA.htm

List by the International Institute for Strategic Studies
World Military Balance 2015 (for 2014)
[1]
List by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
2015 Fact Sheet (for 2014)[2]
Rank Country Spending
($ Bn.)
 % of GDP
World total
1 United States United States 679.5 3.3
2 China China 129.4 1.2
3 Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia 80.8 10.7
4 Russia Russia 70.0 3.7
5 United Kingdom United Kingdom 61.8 2.1
6 France France 53.1 1.8
7 Japan Japan 47.7 1.0
8 India India 45.2 2.2
9 Germany Germany 43.9 1.1
10 South Korea South Korea 34.4 2.4
11 Brazil Brazil 31.9 1.3
12 Italy Italy 24.3 1.1
13 Israel Israel 23.2 7.6
14 Australia Australia 22.5 1.5
15 Iraq Iraq 18.9 8.5
Rank Country Spending
($ Bn.)
% of GDP
World total 1,776.0 2.3
1 United States United States 610.0 3.5
2 China China[a] 216.0 2.1
3 Russia Russia[a] 84.5 4.5
4 Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia[b] 80.8 10.4
5 France France 62.3 2.2
6 United Kingdom United Kingdom 60.5 2.2
7 India India 50.0 2.4
8 Germany Germany[a] 46.5 1.2
9 Japan Japan 45.8 1.0
10 South Korea South Korea 36.7 2.6
11 Brazil Brazil 31.7 1.4
12 Italy Italy 30.9 1.5
13 Australia Australia 25.4 1.8
14 United Arab Emirates United Arab Emirates[a] 22.8 5.1
15 Turkey Turkey 22.6 2.2

 

Wading Bridge in Des Moines

05.30.15

Our rivers determine our land, livelihood, and lives, and the rivers of Des Moines are a force. It is with respect, honor, and excitement that we ready to install “Wading Bridge” on the Raccoon River in the coming days. As humans it is easy to forget how very dependent we are on each other, and on the built and more natural worlds we inhabit. Bridges are monuments. Over borders difficult to cross, they bring us together. Yet some of the elements we see as borders may not need to be, and it may be time to redefine them. To explain “Wading Bridge” is to explain the Value of both perceptual and physical experience, and the important practice of re-seeing. Crossing “Wading Bridge” and getting our feet wet can allow us a momentary intimacy with the Raccoon river. For me, “Wading Bridge” is about living with tumultuous change. Sometimes our bridges may be under water, but in unexpected ways they will still bring us together.

Food Justice and Food Security

Some readings and resources culled together from other sites:

https://cagj.org/food-justice/food-justice-resources/
(Primary Source, and much more here)

Reportbacks on FJP’s visits to the Fisherman’s Terminal and University of Washington Farm and to Umojafest Peace Center and Danny Woo Garden by CAGJ intern Valentina de la Fuente!
‘We are Made of Our Food’: Latino/a Immigration and the Practices and Politics of Eating, a Community Report by FJP Co-Founder Teresa Mares
“The ‘Food Justice’ Movement: Trying to Break the Food Chains”, Mark Winston Griffith, Gotham Gazette, Dec. 2003
Undoing racism in the Detroit food system, Malik Yakini, The Michigan Citizen, 2010
When Eating Organic Was Totally Uncool, Pha Lo, Salon.com, Jan. 2011
Food for Everyone, YES! Magazine’s Local Food Revolution Issue from Spring 2009
Bringing the Local Food Economy Home, by Helena Norberg-Hodge
Stuffed and Starved, by Raj Patel
The Omnivore’s Dilemma, by Michael Pollan
The Earth Knows My Name, by Patricia Klindienst
Going Local, by Michael Shuman
Deep Economy, by Bill McKibben
The Revolution Will Not Be Microwaved, by Sandor Katz
YES! Magazine
Greenblade Justice Journal
Grist, Seattle-based enviromental news and commentary
Toronto Food Policy Council’s Discussion Papers – Over the past ten years, the TFPC has produced a ground-breaking series of 15 discussion papers on various elements of a food systems approach to public health policy.
The Applied Research Center’s Color of Food Report, “The Applied Research Center recently embarked on a broad survey of the food system, to map out the race, gender and class of workers along the supply chain.”
Food & Water Watch’s The Economic Cost of Food Monopolies, “For decades, the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) have taken a hands-off approach to consolidation in the food system. The economic harm caused by the concentration of the food system is real…”
Seed Giants vs. US Farmers, a report investigating “how the current seed patent regime has led to a radical shift to consolidation and control of global seed supply and how these patents have abetted corporations, such as Monsanto, to sue U.S. farmers for alleged seed patent infringement.”

Gottlieb, Robert and Anupama Joshi, Food Justice, MIT Press

Sacred waste by Sarah A. Riccardi

Screen Shot 2014-12-17 at 1.00.13 PM

Sacred waste or holy trash refers to the afterlife of things employed within religious, spiritual, and civil contexts that are then recycled, upcycled, or discarded (Anderson 2010: 35). This vernacular concept is beginning to take root in religious studies and literary studies, both of which are fields that have recently started to encourage research on ecology, environmentalism, and waste in relationship to religion and spirituality. Found within a variety of contexts, examples of sacred waste include leftover communion elements in Christian traditions; the remains of prasad in Hindu devotional activities; Torahs no longer in circulation in Jewish communities; faded icons found in the home shrines of Eastern Orthodox believers; and a wide variety of other items used by practitioners of faith traditions. However, sacred waste is not limited to institutional and vernacular forms of religion. Public items that are associated with forms of national pride, such as flags and emblems, constructed spaces, and land are often imbued with a sense of symbolic identity. Thus the retirement or destruction of such entities can cause public outcry if the items are not removed or disposed of in a manner that acknowledges socio-political, religious, national, or ethnic pride. Sacred waste is made up of more than the composite of its material elements because of its close proximity to and association with holiness or sacredness, the essence of which can become infused within or attached to the items themselves. Often, the spiritual dimension of holy things engenders deep emotional feelings on the part of practitioners, creating complex dilemmas that call into question the boundaries of holiness, sacridity and the agency of both the person and the object being discarded.

What or who defines the sacred items that ultimately become refuse? This question is not new– indeed, it harkens back to Mary Douglas’ work on purity and emic and etic understandings of sacredness (Douglas 1966). The subjective and culturally specific nature of belief means that sacred trash can take many different forms, for even everyday items can be considered sacred or holy by the discarder. In this way, sacred trash becomes a means by which individuals can authenticate their faith, spirituality, or rituals, often challenging institutional, homogeneous understandings of holiness and authority. These negotiations have political implications, highlighting the loci of power within traditional forms of religion and how new, consumer-driven forms of faith and spirituality are destabilizing formal institutions of religious power. This is best seen in the hybrid and “syncretistic” forms of Catholicism that meld together religious and secular things, creating an amalgamated form of waste that possesses a complex religious and emotional nature, such as votive candles, prayer cards, family photos, and incense. For practitioners, the remains of these items are sacred and, thus, should be disposed of or recycled in an appropriate manner that adheres to a personal or collective understanding of what is proper and legitimate theologically, culturally, and historically. However, in institutional religious settings, this type of garbage may not be view as sacred, leading to a fissure between vernacular folk piety and the authoritative hierarchy. In this manner, trashing functions as heresy and subversion, and a catalyst for socio-religious change. An example of the subversive nature of sacred trash outside of institutional religion can be seen at the annual Burning Man event in northern Nevada. There a symbolic effigy is reduced to ash, to sacred waste, and through the creation of holy refuse, attendees express their cultural ideals and desire to move beyond normative understandings of civil engagement.

The very idea of sacred waste also brings up ethical issues that are found in other areas of discard studies; namely, how does one properly dispose of used items in moral and ethical ways that concomitantly address religious obligations and environmental concerns? Implicit within this question are issues of socio-religious identity, the relationship between institutional hierarchy and vernacular practices, and negotiation of spiritual and physical boundaries. These dilemmas take on more salient concerns with the centrality of new technologies, such as the Internet marketplace and digital printers, through which consumers can and do purchase and produce goods that are used in religious rituals, spiritual acts, and, often, everyday life events. This type of mediated consumption is seen in Eastern Orthodoxy in the United States, where practitioners often print out paper icons on their home laser printers. These images become part of the circulation of the material holy in Orthodox economies until such time as they begin to fade and decay. The inevitable disintegration of paper icons means that they must be preserved, burned, or buried in accordance with the religious laws of the group… https://www.academia.edu/17969600/Sacred_Waste

Why food forests are radical/Notes on an arctic food forest

Arguably the oldest form of gardening, food forests are radical today because of what they can do and what they represent. Food Forests are human-made ecosystems generated through companion planting methods that take years to develop and thrive. Arguably the most resilient agro-ecosystem because of their unassisted regeneration, they are known for sustainable plant-based food production.

The site of the Arctic Food Forest will be located in Alaska’s Arctic, potentially near Nome or Kotzebue. Edible plants are transplanted from southern Alaskan regions as needed due to global warming. The Arctic Food Forest is being developed through a process of co-ownership with local stakeholders. Included in the Arctic Food Forest are arctic medicinal plants. These plants will be a source of income, with planned distribution routes to other parts of the United States. One such plant is Devil’s Club, also known as Alaskan ginseng. Devil’s Club, for example, is used for colds, cancer, depression, stomach problems, broken bones, burns, congestion, and inflammation. It is considered “strong medicine” due to its effects on psycho-spiritual aspects of a person.

The process of creating the Arctic Food Forest will be documented and a how-to booklet will be distributed. Many of the documentation materials will be sourced from the food forest itself.

Download The Geopolitics of Arctic Melt: 11_arctic_melt_ebinger_zambetakis