Anti-war organizations around the world

Society of Peace






United Kingdom

  • Liverpool and Birkenhead Women’s Peace and Arbitration Association[5]
  • Rationalist Peace Society – Britain[5][2]
  • Workman’s Peace Association – Britain[7]

North America

United States







  • Association for Muslims of United States [11] [5]

Raw Notes

Mining Map – Layer 1

Chemicals and minerals:


Saudi Arabia, Afganistan, and:

Country Production Reserves[note 2]
World total 34,000 13,000,000
Chile 12,600 7,500,000
Australia 9,260 970,000
People’s Republic of China 5,200 3,500,000
Argentina 3,200 850,000
Portugal 820 10,000
Canada (2010) 480 180,000
Zimbabwe 470 23,000
Brazil 160 64,000

Lithium cobalt oxide (LiCoO2) is widely used in lithium ion battery cathodes. The material is composed of cobalt oxide layers in which the lithium is intercalated. During discharging the lithium intercalated between the layers is set free as lithium ion.[55] Nickel-cadmium[56] (NiCd) and nickel metal hydride[57] (NiMH) batteries also contain significant amounts of cobalt; the cobalt improves the oxidation capabilities of nickel in the battery.[56]


The main ores of cobalt are cobaltite, erythrite, glaucodot and skutterudite (see above), but most cobalt is obtained not by active mining of cobalt ores, but rather by reducing cobalt compounds that occur as by-products of nickel and copper mining activities. In 2005, the copper deposits in the Katanga Province (former Shaba province) of the Democratic Republic of the Congo were the top producer of cobalt with almost 40% world share


This is list of countries by copper production is mostly based on British Geological Survey accessed in June 2008. Some 2013 updates are provided for the top 10 producers based on USGS[1]

Rank Country/Region 2006 Copper production (tonnes) 2013 Copper production (tonnes)
World 15,100,000 17,900,000
1 Chile 5,360,800 5,700,000
2 United States 1,220,000 1,220,000
3 Peru 1,049,933 1,300,000
4 China 915,000 1,650,000
5 Australia 875,000 990,000
6 Indonesia 817,796 380,000
7 Russia 675,000 930,000
8 Zambia 502,998 830,000
9 Canada 606,958 630,000
10 Poland 497,200 430,000
11 Kazakhstan 459,200 440,000
12 Iran 249,100 255,000[2]
13 Papua New Guinea 194,355
14 Argentina 180,144
15 Brazil 147,836
16 DR Congo 131,400
17 Mongolia 129,675
18 Mexico 129,042
19 Uzbekistan 103,500
20 Bulgaria 99,000
21 South Africa 89,700
22 Sweden 86,746
23 Serbia 80,000
24 Portugal 78,660
25 Laos 60,803
26 India 31,000
27 Turkey 30,000
28 Botswana 24,255
29 Burma 19,500
30 Pakistan 18,700
31 Armenia 17,800
32 Philippines 17,700
33 Nigeria 16,200
34 Georgia 14,600
35 Finland 13,000
36 Romania 12,179
37 North Korea 12,000
38 Vietnam 11,400
39 Spain 8,700
40 Macedonia 7,054
41 Namibia 6,262
42 Mauritania 5,031
43 Morocco 4,500
44 Tanzania 3,285
45 Zimbabwe 2,581
46 Japan 1,000
47 Cyprus 900
48 Saudi Arabia 604
49 Colombia 600
50 Albania 400


Photography used 30.98% of the silver consumed in 1998 in the form of silver nitrate and silver halides. In 2001, 23.47% was used for photography, while 20.03% was used in jewelry, 38.51% for industrial uses, and only 3.5% for coins and medals. The use of silver in photography has rapidly declined, due to the lower demand for consumer color film from the advent of digital technology; since 2007, of the 907 million ounces of silver in supply, just 117.6 million ounces (13%) were consumed by the photographic sector, about 50% of the amount used in photography in 1998. By 2010, the supply had increased by about 10% to 1056.8 million ounces, of which 72.7 million ounces were used in the photographic sector, a decline of 38% compared with 2007.[24]

Some electrical and electronic products use silver for its superior conductivity, even when tarnished. The primary example of this is in high quality RF connectors. The increase in conductivity is also taken advantage of in RF engineering at VHF and higher frequencies, where conductors often cannot be scaled by 6%, due to tuning requirements, e.g. cavity filters. As an additional example, printed circuits and RFID antennas can be made using silver paints,[7][25] and computer keyboards use silver electrical contacts. Silver cadmium oxide is used in high-voltage contacts because it can withstand arcing.

Some manufacturers produce audio connector cables, speaker wires, and power cables using silver conductors, which have a 6% higher conductivity than ordinary copper ones of identical dimensions, but cost much more. Though debatable, many hi-fi enthusiasts believe silver wires improve sound quality.[citation needed]

Small devices, such as hearing aids and watches, commonly use silver oxide batteries due to their long life and high energy-to-weight ratio. Another usage is high-capacity silver-zinc and silver-cadmium batteries.

The principal sources of silver are the ores of copper, copper-nickel, lead, and lead-zinc obtained from Peru, Bolivia, Mexico, China, Australia, Chile, Poland and Serbia.[7] Peru, Bolivia and Mexico have been mining silver since 1546, and are still major world producers. Top silver-producing mines are Cannington (Australia), Fresnillo (Mexico), San Cristobal (Bolivia), Antamina (Peru), Rudna (Poland), and Penasquito (Mexico).[51] Top near-term mine development projects through 2015 are Pascua Lama (Chile), Navidad (Argentina), Jaunicipio (Mexico), Malku Khota (Bolivia),[52] and Hackett River (Canada).[51] In Central Asia, Tajikistan is known to have some of the largest silver deposits in the world.[53]


A few plants produce resins with different compositions, most notably Jeffrey Pine and Gray Pine, the volatile components of which are largely pure n-heptane with little or no terpenes.


Today, sulfur is produced from petroleum, natural gas, and related fossil resources, from which it is obtained mainly as hydrogen sulfide. The resulting hydrogen sulfide from this process, and also as it occurs in natural gas, is converted into elemental sulfur by the Claus process. Owing to the high sulfur content of the Athabasca Oil Sands, stockpiles of elemental sulfur from this process now exist throughout Alberta, Canada.[27] Another way of storing sulfur is as a binder for concrete, the resulting product having many desirable properties (see sulfur concrete).[28]

The world production of sulfur in 2011 amounted to 69 million tonnes (Mt), with more than 15 countries contributing more than 1 Mt each. Countries producing more than 5 Mt are China (9.6), US (8.8), Canada (7.1) and Russia (7.1).[29] While the production has been slowly increasing from 1900 to 2010, the price was much less stable, especially in the 1980s and around 2010.[30]

This bubble map shows the global distribution of sulphuric acid output in 2000 as a percentage of the top producer (China – 24,270,000 tonnes). This map is consistent with incomplete set of data too as long as the top producer is known. It resolves the accessibility issues faced by colour-coded maps that may not be properly rendered in old computer screens. Data was extracted on 16th June 2007. Source – Based on :Image:BlankMap-World.png


1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
Australia 41.7% 45.7% 56.1% 54.8% 71.5% 75.9% 71.0% 73.8% 42.4% 54.3% 45.3% 55.9% 63.9% 59.8% 56.4% 61.9% 54.9% 50.6% 46.8% 12.1%
Brazil 22.7% 17.6% 15.0% 16.1% 15.0% 13.9% 14.1% 13.4% 39.8% 25.6% 17.8% 17.8% 13.6% 15.6% 14.9% 15.7% 20.2% 20.6% 15.1% 26.9%
Canada 21.7% 19.5% 12.0% 8.1% 10.8% 9.1% 14.1% 12.0% 7.3% 8.4% 5.3% 6.5% 3.9% 4.3% 4.0% 4.6% 6.4% 5.2% 3.4% 3.7%
D.R. Congo 2.5% 3.4% 2.0% 1.9% 0.3% 0.3% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 12.1% 5.1% 2.0% 1.2% 1.4% 2.4% 1.6% 8.1% 8.4% 13.0%
Africa. excl.DR Congo 11.4% 13.8% 14.8% 19.0% 2.4% 0.8% 0.8% 0.7% 10.5% 11.8% 19.4% 14.7% 16.5% 19.1% 23.3% 15.5% 16.8% 15.5% 26.3% 44.3%

Phenol: Phenol is also a recoverable byproduct of coal pyrolysis.


Chromium is mined as chromite (FeCr2O4) ore.[10] About two-fifths of the chromite ores and concentrates in the world are produced in South Africa, while Kazakhstan, India, Russia, and Turkey are also substantial producers. Untapped chromite deposits are plentiful, but geographically concentrated in Kazakhstan and southern Africa.[11]

RAW MATERIAL (used in several camera components)


# Producing Nation 103bbl/d (2006) 103bbl/d (2007) 103bbl/d (2008) 103bbl/d (2009) Present Share
1 Saudi Arabia (OPEC) 10,665 10,234 10,782 9,760 11.8%
2 Russia1 9,677 9,876 9,789 9,934 12.0%
3 United States1 8,331 8,481 8,514 9,141 11.1%
4 Iran (OPEC) 4,148 4,043 4,174 4,177 5.1%
5 China 3,846 3,901 3,973 3,996 4.8%
6 Canada2 3,288 3,358 3,350 3,294 4.0%
7 Mexico1 3,707 3,501 3,185 3,001 3.6%
8 United Arab Emirates(OPEC) 2,945 2,948 3,046 2,795 3.4%
9 Kuwait (OPEC) 2,675 2,613 2,742 2,496 3.0%
10 Venezuela (OPEC) 1 2,803 2,667 2,643 2,471 3.0%
11 Norway1 2,786 2,565 2,466 2,350 2.8%
12 Brazil 2,166 2,279 2,401 2,577 3.1%
13 Iraq (OPEC) 3 2,008 2,094 2,385 2,400 2.9%
14 Algeria (OPEC) 2,122 2,173 2,179 2,126 2.6%
15 Nigeria (OPEC) 2,443 2,352 2,169 2,211 2.7%
16 Angola (OPEC) 1,435 1,769 2,014 1,948 2.4%
17 Libya (OPEC) 1,809 1,845 1,875 1,789 2.2%
18 United Kingdom 1,689 1,690 1,584 1,422 1.7%
19 Kazakhstan 1,388 1,445 1,429 1,540 1.9%
20 Qatar (OPEC) 1,141 1,136 1,207 1,213 1.5%
21 Indonesia 1,102 1,044 1,051 1,023 1.2%
22 India 854 881 884 877 1.1%
23 Azerbaijan 648 850 875 1,012 1.2%
24 Argentina 802 791 792 794 1.0%
25 Oman 743 714 761 816 1.0%
26 Malaysia 729 703 727 693 0.8%
27 Egypt 667 664 631 678 0.8%
28 Colombia 544 543 601 686 0.8%
29 Australia 552 595 586 588 0.7%
30 Ecuador (OPEC) 536 512 505 485 0.6%
31 Sudan 380 466 480 486 0.6%
32 Syria 449 446 426 400 0.5%
33 Equatorial Guinea 386 400 359 346 0.4%
34 Thailand 334 349 361 339 0.4%
35 Vietnam 362 352 314 346 0.4%
36 Yemen 377 361 300 287 0.3%
37 Denmark 344 314 289 262 0.3%
38 Gabon 237 244 248 242 0.3%
39 South Africa 204 199 195 192 0.2%
40 Turkmenistan No data 180 189 198 0.2%
41 Trinidad and Tobago 181 179 176 174 0.1%

Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration


Tungsten is found in the minerals wolframite (ironmanganese tungstate, (Fe,Mn)WO4), scheelite (calcium tungstate, (CaWO4), ferberite (FeWO4) andhübnerite (MnWO4). China produced 51,000 tonnes of tungsten concentrate in 2009, which was 83% of the world output. In the prelude to WWII China’s production of tungsten played a role as China could use this leverage to demand material assistance from the US government.[23] Most of the remaining production originated from Russia (2,500 t), Canada (1,964 t), Bolivia (1,023 t), Austria (900 t), Portugal (900 t), Thailand (600 t), Brazil (500 t), Peru (500 t) and Rwanda (500 t).[24] Tungsten is also considered to be a conflict mineral due to the unethical mining practices observed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[25][26] Rising prices in 2014 have enabled works to reopen the disused Hemerdon Bal tungsten-tine mine in Plymouth in the United Kingdom.[27]

Cassiterite (tin):

Most sources of cassiterite today are found in alluvial or placerdeposits containing the resistant weathered grains. The best sources of primary cassiterite are found in the tin mines of Bolivia, where it is found in hydrothermal veins. Rwanda has a nascent cassiterite mining industry. Fighting over cassiterite deposits (particularly inWalikale) is a major cause of the conflict waged in eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[5][6] This has led to cassiterite being considered a conflict mineral.

Cassiterite is a widespread minor constituent of igneous rocks. The Bolivian veins and the old exhausted workings of Cornwall, England, are concentrated in high temperature quartz veins and pegmatites associated with granitic intrusives. The veins commonly contain tourmaline, topaz, fluorite, apatite, wolframite, molybdenite, and arsenopyrite. The mineral occurs extensively in Cornwall as surface deposits on Bodmin Moor, for example, where there are extensive traces of an hydraulic mining method known as streaming. The current major tin production comes from placer or alluvial deposits in Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, the Maakhir region of Somalia, and Russia.Hydraulic mining methods are used to concentrate mined ore, a process which relies on the high specific gravity of the SnO2 ore, of about 7.0.


Rank Country/Region 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
World 1,351.3 1326.5 1,219.7 1,413.6 1,490.1 1552.9 1607.2
1 People’s Republic of China 494.9 500.3 573.6 626.7 683.3 724.7 779.0
European Union 210.2 198.2 139.3 172.8 177.7 168.6 165.6
2 Japan 120.2 118.7 87.5 109.6 107.6 107.2 110.6
3 United States 98.1 91.4 58.2 80.6 86.2 88.6 87.0
4 India 53.5 57.8 62.8 68.3 72.2 77.3 81.2
5 Russia 72.4 68.5 60.0 66.9 68.7 70.6 69.4
6 South Korea 51.5 53.6 48.6 58.5 68.5 69.3 66.0
7 Germany 48.6 45.8 32.7 43.8 44.3 42.7 42.6
8 Turkey 25.8 26.8 25.3 29.0 34.1 35.9 34.7
9 Brazil 33.8 33.7 26.5 32.8 35.2 34.7 34.2
10 Ukraine 42.8 37.3 29.9 33.6 35.3 32.9 32.8
11 Italy 31.6 30.6 19.7 25.8 28.7 27.2 24.1
12 Taiwan 20.9 19.9 15.7 19.6 22.7 20.7 22.3
13 Mexico 17.6 17.2 14.2 17.0 18.1 18.1 18.4 est
14 France 19.3 17.9 12.8 15.4 15.8 15.6 15.7
15 Iran 10.1 10.0 10.9 12.0 13.0 14.5 15.4
16 Spain 19.0 18.6 14.3 16.3 15.6 13.6 13.7
17 Canada 15.6 14.8 9.0 13.0 13.1 13.5 12.5 est
18 United Kingdom 14.3 13.5 10.1 9.7 9.5 9.6 11.9
19 Poland 10.6 9.7 7.2 8.0 8.8 8.4 8.0
20 Austria 7.6 7.6 5.7 7.2 7.5 7.4 7.9
21 South Africa 9.1 8.3 7.5 8.5 6.7 7.1 7.2 est
22 Belgium 10.7 10.7 5.6 8.1 8.1 7.4 7.1
23 Egypt 6.2 6.2 5.5 6.7 6.5 6.6 6.8
24 Netherlands 7.4 6.8 5.2 6.7 6.9 6.9 6.7 est
25 Malaysia 6.9 6.4 4.0 4.1 5.9 5.6 5.9 est
26 Vietnam 2.3 2.7 2.7 2.7 4.9 5.3 5.6
27 Saudi Arabia 4.6 4.7 4.7 5.0 5.3 5.2 5.4
28 Czech Republic 7.1 6.4 4.6 5.2 5.6 5.1 5.2
29 Argentina 5.4 5.5 4.0 5.1 5.7 5.0 5.2
30 Australia 7.9 7.6 5.2 7.3 6.4 4.9 4.6 est
31 Slovakia 5.1 4.5 3.7 4.6 4.2 4.4 4.5
32 Sweden 5.7 5.2 2.8 4.8 4.9 4.3 4.4
33 Finland 4.4 4.4 3.1 4.0 4.0 3.8 3.5
34 Thailand 5.6 5.2 3.6 3.7 4.2 3.3 3.5 est
35 Kazakhstan 4.8 4.3 4.1 4.3 4.7 3.9 3.3 est
36 Romania 6.3 5.0 2.7 3.9 3.8 3.3 2.9
37 United Arab Emirates 0.09 0.09 0.2 0.5 2.0 2.4 2.9 est
38 Indonesia 4.2 3.9 3.5 3.6 3.6 2.3 2.4 est
39 Belarus 2.4 2.6 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.3
40 Venezuela 5.0 4.2 3.8 2.2 3.1 2.4 2.3
Others[6] 30.7 (est.) 28.6 (est.) 23.3 (est.) 26.5 (est.) 29.9 29.5 28.4


Silver halide – A halide is made out of two parts, a halogen atom, (produced by a mineral or salt) and a less or more electronegative atom, to create for example fluoride or chloride.

Amoniac – Ammonia is a compound of nitrogen and hydrogen.

Gelatin – obtained from various animal products.

Alum – To obtain alum from alunite crystals it is calcined and then exposed to the action of air for a considerable time. During this exposure it is kept continually moistened with water, so that it ultimately falls to a very fine powder

Formaldehyd- is produced industrially by the catalytic oxidation of methanol.

Aldehydes India 1247, Sector-15,Faridabad, Haryana, (India)
Lanxess Formalin Facility, Krefeld-Uerdingen, Germany



Glyoxal prepared by the gas-phase oxidation of ethylene glycol (used in the manufacture of polyester fibers for for example PET bottles)

Saponin (plant-derived from for example the maple tree)


Phenol (from petroleum)

Thymol (organic from thyme oil)


Food Justice and Food Security

Some readings and resources culled together from other sites:
(Primary Source, and much more here)

Reportbacks on FJP’s visits to the Fisherman’s Terminal and University of Washington Farm and to Umojafest Peace Center and Danny Woo Garden by CAGJ intern Valentina de la Fuente!
‘We are Made of Our Food’: Latino/a Immigration and the Practices and Politics of Eating, a Community Report by FJP Co-Founder Teresa Mares
“The ‘Food Justice’ Movement: Trying to Break the Food Chains”, Mark Winston Griffith, Gotham Gazette, Dec. 2003
Undoing racism in the Detroit food system, Malik Yakini, The Michigan Citizen, 2010
When Eating Organic Was Totally Uncool, Pha Lo,, Jan. 2011
Food for Everyone, YES! Magazine’s Local Food Revolution Issue from Spring 2009
Bringing the Local Food Economy Home, by Helena Norberg-Hodge
Stuffed and Starved, by Raj Patel
The Omnivore’s Dilemma, by Michael Pollan
The Earth Knows My Name, by Patricia Klindienst
Going Local, by Michael Shuman
Deep Economy, by Bill McKibben
The Revolution Will Not Be Microwaved, by Sandor Katz
YES! Magazine
Greenblade Justice Journal
Grist, Seattle-based enviromental news and commentary
Toronto Food Policy Council’s Discussion Papers – Over the past ten years, the TFPC has produced a ground-breaking series of 15 discussion papers on various elements of a food systems approach to public health policy.
The Applied Research Center’s Color of Food Report, “The Applied Research Center recently embarked on a broad survey of the food system, to map out the race, gender and class of workers along the supply chain.”
Food & Water Watch’s The Economic Cost of Food Monopolies, “For decades, the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) have taken a hands-off approach to consolidation in the food system. The economic harm caused by the concentration of the food system is real…”
Seed Giants vs. US Farmers, a report investigating “how the current seed patent regime has led to a radical shift to consolidation and control of global seed supply and how these patents have abetted corporations, such as Monsanto, to sue U.S. farmers for alleged seed patent infringement.”

Gottlieb, Robert and Anupama Joshi, Food Justice, MIT Press

Sacred waste by Sarah A. Riccardi

Screen Shot 2014-12-17 at 1.00.13 PM

Sacred waste or holy trash refers to the afterlife of things employed within religious, spiritual, and civil contexts that are then recycled, upcycled, or discarded (Anderson 2010: 35). This vernacular concept is beginning to take root in religious studies and literary studies, both of which are fields that have recently started to encourage research on ecology, environmentalism, and waste in relationship to religion and spirituality. Found within a variety of contexts, examples of sacred waste include leftover communion elements in Christian traditions; the remains of prasad in Hindu devotional activities; Torahs no longer in circulation in Jewish communities; faded icons found in the home shrines of Eastern Orthodox believers; and a wide variety of other items used by practitioners of faith traditions. However, sacred waste is not limited to institutional and vernacular forms of religion. Public items that are associated with forms of national pride, such as flags and emblems, constructed spaces, and land are often imbued with a sense of symbolic identity. Thus the retirement or destruction of such entities can cause public outcry if the items are not removed or disposed of in a manner that acknowledges socio-political, religious, national, or ethnic pride. Sacred waste is made up of more than the composite of its material elements because of its close proximity to and association with holiness or sacredness, the essence of which can become infused within or attached to the items themselves. Often, the spiritual dimension of holy things engenders deep emotional feelings on the part of practitioners, creating complex dilemmas that call into question the boundaries of holiness, sacridity and the agency of both the person and the object being discarded.

What or who defines the sacred items that ultimately become refuse? This question is not new– indeed, it harkens back to Mary Douglas’ work on purity and emic and etic understandings of sacredness (Douglas 1966). The subjective and culturally specific nature of belief means that sacred trash can take many different forms, for even everyday items can be considered sacred or holy by the discarder. In this way, sacred trash becomes a means by which individuals can authenticate their faith, spirituality, or rituals, often challenging institutional, homogeneous understandings of holiness and authority. These negotiations have political implications, highlighting the loci of power within traditional forms of religion and how new, consumer-driven forms of faith and spirituality are destabilizing formal institutions of religious power. This is best seen in the hybrid and “syncretistic” forms of Catholicism that meld together religious and secular things, creating an amalgamated form of waste that possesses a complex religious and emotional nature, such as votive candles, prayer cards, family photos, and incense. For practitioners, the remains of these items are sacred and, thus, should be disposed of or recycled in an appropriate manner that adheres to a personal or collective understanding of what is proper and legitimate theologically, culturally, and historically. However, in institutional religious settings, this type of garbage may not be view as sacred, leading to a fissure between vernacular folk piety and the authoritative hierarchy. In this manner, trashing functions as heresy and subversion, and a catalyst for socio-religious change. An example of the subversive nature of sacred trash outside of institutional religion can be seen at the annual Burning Man event in northern Nevada. There a symbolic effigy is reduced to ash, to sacred waste, and through the creation of holy refuse, attendees express their cultural ideals and desire to move beyond normative understandings of civil engagement.

The very idea of sacred waste also brings up ethical issues that are found in other areas of discard studies; namely, how does one properly dispose of used items in moral and ethical ways that concomitantly address religious obligations and environmental concerns? Implicit within this question are issues of socio-religious identity, the relationship between institutional hierarchy and vernacular practices, and negotiation of spiritual and physical boundaries. These dilemmas take on more salient concerns with the centrality of new technologies, such as the Internet marketplace and digital printers, through which consumers can and do purchase and produce goods that are used in religious rituals, spiritual acts, and, often, everyday life events. This type of mediated consumption is seen in Eastern Orthodoxy in the United States, where practitioners often print out paper icons on their home laser printers. These images become part of the circulation of the material holy in Orthodox economies until such time as they begin to fade and decay. The inevitable disintegration of paper icons means that they must be preserved, burned, or buried in accordance with the religious laws of the group…

Why food forests are radical/Notes on an arctic food forest

Arguably the oldest form of gardening, food forests are radical today because of what they can do and what they represent. Food Forests are human-made ecosystems generated through companion planting methods that take years to develop and thrive. Arguably the most resilient agro-ecosystem because of their unassisted regeneration, they are known for sustainable plant-based food production.

The site of the Arctic Food Forest will be located in Alaska’s Arctic, potentially near Nome or Kotzebue. Edible plants are transplanted from southern Alaskan regions as needed due to global warming. The Arctic Food Forest is being developed through a process of co-ownership with local stakeholders. Included in the Arctic Food Forest are arctic medicinal plants. These plants will be a source of income, with planned distribution routes to other parts of the United States. One such plant is Devil’s Club, also known as Alaskan ginseng. Devil’s Club, for example, is used for colds, cancer, depression, stomach problems, broken bones, burns, congestion, and inflammation. It is considered “strong medicine” due to its effects on psycho-spiritual aspects of a person.

The process of creating the Arctic Food Forest will be documented and a how-to booklet will be distributed. Many of the documentation materials will be sourced from the food forest itself.

Download The Geopolitics of Arctic Melt: 11_arctic_melt_ebinger_zambetakis

In a time of uncertainty…

In a time of uncertainty can we revisit comprehensive systems that can offer educational support to each other and help us meet our daily needs?

Based on environmental and economic sustainability, WetLand is a proposal and a sculpture that resembles a partially submerged building. It is a cross-collaborative ecosystem and working living system with space for food production, water collection and purification, solar energy collection, and compost renewal systems. It also houses artists, writers, and teachers for up to two weeks while serving as an event and studio space. WetLand is currently floating on the Delaware River.

I’m writing this on Labor Day. There are union-organized events and parades all over Penn’s Landing. Reflecting upon the last month of building and opening WetLand requires some distance that it’s been hard to find. The space has become more active than I ever imagined.


Building in Public:

The Independence Seaport Museum was gracious enough to let us build WetLand on their pier here. Soon thereafter we began discussing building in public as a type of theater of labor, a description that I’ve began bringing with me into a broader examination of labor in all of its current forms. Even though we were working towards an end, the process involving many minds made WetLand what it is now. From artists to students, builders, ecologists, permaculture specialists, and the nautical engineer Rik Van Hemmen, we built a vessel that describes precarity but also happens to be seaworthy. We will continue to see it change.


WetLand Opens:

On August 15th WetLand opened to the public. Aside from a few days, WetLand is open all week, from 10am – 5pm, or 10am – 7pm, depending on the day. We have housed a variety of artists and writers from the East Coast, Sweden, Mexico, the Midwest, and Philadelphia. We have seen days with as few as fifty visitors and others with as many as 5000 visitors. The space has become very active, and is truly a place for mutual learning. We’ve taught and learned from each visitor who has come on board.

Screen Shot 2014-08-31 at 9.10.40 AM

An observation hive built into WetLand’s window borrowed from the Philadelphia Beekeepers Guild. Photo: Brian House


One thing I’ve realized is that the better our living systems can run themselves, the more growing our own food is a form of income, and the more collecting rainwater has a larger effect on our shared habitat. The better we compost, the more we can grow, and the more we can share.

Screen Shot 2014-08-31 at 9.08.42 AM Screen Shot 2014-08-31 at 9.10.29 AM 

WetLand at Penn’s Landing. Photos: Brian House


– Mary Mattingly


Artist-in-residence, Brian House, writes: This week I am an artist in residence at Mary Mattingly’s WetLand project — a sculpture / habitat / provocation floating in the Delaware at Penn’s Landing in Philadelphia. We’ve got chickens, bees, solar panels, a wetland habitat drawing from the river, ripening jalapeños, a rainwater bathtub … each day Mary, the FringeArts staff supporting the project, and the fellow residents and I talk to the public about the future, ecology, technology, and DIY. Kids, coast guard, native Philadelphians, and international visitors have all been drawn to what is a bit of a spectacle here among the historical ships, hotels, and beach bars — today the hive was kind enough to let me share fresh honey with passersby.

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Brian House with Bees

What I appreciate about this situation and Mary’s work in general is that it doesn’t shy away from existing in an indeterminate zone that invokes architectural, design, sculpture, conceptual art, and performance discourses without fitting very well into any of them. It is an exercise in interpretation, ultimately, and interpretation that exceeds the spatiotemporal bounds of the piece and slips into how we talk about ‘habitat’, or maybe ‘inhabiting’ in general. Bees, reclaimed materials, collective living, here they are conversation starters about what is novel, tolerable, exciting, or uncomfortable, and what it is that makes a habitat permanent or transient relative to the diverse everyday conditions of our visitors. In that sense, I don’t really read WetLand as a critique of our consumerism, nor a utopic vision of some bourgeohippy future, though it might easily be understood as such. I think it’s somewhat darker than that, where Mary’s living and (tireless, unceasing) labor are laid bare in an attempt to exist in conscious relation to a society that may be failing, or which we can imagine as failing. Her precarity stands in for our collective precarity. The form of WetLand is then simply her perspective rather than a polemic about how anyone should live. But that perspective includes the collaborations that she has cultivated to realize the work, from volunteers to artists to institutional support — and it’s openness to that participation and interpretation undergirds the richness of the piece.

For myself, I’ve chosen to take inspiration from that and make this residency less about producing a work as reflecting on the state of my practice and looking into future directions. I am reading theory texts, learning new software, and sketching out several small research works I’ll hopefully be able to complete in the next weeks. One of those is mechanism for rhythmanalysis, with no code or electricity involved, but through which I make temporal notations of my surroundings with the help of a stethoscope. That a boat is in constant motion makes it easy to bring rhythm into the foreground, and it has lent my time here a special kind of pulse.

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Photo: Brian House